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Introduction
Nature conservancy is
of course concerned with nature, a phenomenon for which there are as many
and as contradictory definitions as there are philosophies and projected
realities. Accordingly, it is impossible to preclude conflicts between those
who try to implement an ideology-free, pragmatic, efficient conservancy
(of nature or environment) and those who advocate the natural-philosophical
or 'ecologistic' world views. In order to avoid misunderstandings, I would
like to point out that the pragmatic attitude taken in this investigation
is not at all indifferent to normative values. Nevertheless it very much
opposes transcendental certainties and demands that a posteriori realities
be recognized.
This critical analysis of basic assumptions about "nature," "culture"
and "artificiality," as well as stability and biodiversity is
designed to overcome the contradictions inherent in the discussion of a
practicable form of conservation. In addition it states the need, in some
part at least, for a new perspective on reality (a paradigm shift) accompanied
by a reappraisal of our understanding of nature, as a prerequisite to the
solution of environmental problems. When traditional assumptions are revealed
to be obsolete, and when inadequate, quantifying and ahistorical methods
are demonstrably no longer tenable, new orientations are inevitable.
Something else that will be questioned here is the ever more frequently
expressed demand for "unspoiled nature".
In the discussion of environmental conservancy, the concepts of nature and
the natural have been enjoying increasing popularity, and they currently
have far-reaching political implications. But how is it possible that the
concept of "nature" - so frequently the subject of policy - embellishes
so many national and international laws, decrees and declarations and yet
remains undefined? What is it that we intend to sustainably protect, and
how are we to do it and with what objective, when it is not at all clear
what we mean by "nature"?
1 - Nature vs. Culture and Artificiality
In the current debate nature is commonly understood first
and foremost as the antithesis of culture. According to this view, culture
and artificiality are an exclusively human domain, expressions of human
will. They are perceived as the defining features of the environment
in which we live. At this point it is useful to ask in a general way:
in what context is the concept of nature useful, and to what degree
are culture and artificiality not simply expressions of nature itself?
Despite this implication
that, as an organizing and orienting concept, "nature" is
unusually imprecise and ambiguous (in other words it is something of
a portmanteau concept), with the development of the conservation movement
and NGOs whose goal is the protection of the environment, nature has
nonetheless come to have substantial argumentative weight in the conservation
debate, both nationally and internationally. Because the nature conservation
movement in particular has postulated a dichotomy between culture and,
as its romanticized counterpart, the idealized realm of nature, a critical
analysis of the concept of nature is imperative for any pragmatic and
efficient implementation of environmental protection.
A general distinction
can be made between two definitions of nature: on the one hand a dualistic-anthropocentric
(speculative) definition with a philosophical-religious background,
and on the other a definition that is gaining ever more ground these
days, a scientific (hypothetical-deductive) propositioninfluenced by
modern epistemology (e.g. Karl Popper). This investigation is essentially
based on the latter definition.
In the Kantian sense
1*
nature is the entirety of all abiotic and biotic factors and actions
in a perceptible world, which is to say exclusively a construct of human
cognition. Nature exists of its own accord and has brought humans into
existence as an "accident of evolution," as it were (Gould
1989). 2*
In Thomas Huxley's epochal and disillusioning
work, Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature (1863), and in Darwin's The
descent of man and selection in relation to sex (1871), humanity is
characterized as inseparable from nature. According to the biologist
Hubert Markl (President of the Max Planck Society, Germany) these works
introduced a kind of "sobering iconoclasm" (Markl
1998). Following Darwin and Huxley we are obliged to admit that
we humans are nothing more than manifestations of nature, standing in
a vital metabolic and interactive relationship with our various environments.
This manifests itself in, among other things, our symbiosis with an
immense number of microorganisms in our organism - for example we have
around 70 billion bacteria in our colons (Gleich et
al. 2000 and Blech 2000) - but also in the functioning of our cell
system, and in the fact that our sense organs are capable of reflection
and action. All this is pure nature. Likewise all of our verbal articulations,
whether of thoughts or of feelings, are expressions of nature. The fact
is, human beings do not inhabit two worlds. Owing to aspects of evolutionary
biology and the relation between our organic regulatory and cognitive
processes - now increasingly defined by cybernetic models - we are still
an integral part of nature and nothing more.

Again
according to Hubert Markl (1998), if we view
the kind of "human behavior that harms nature" or our environment
as "contrary to nature", then it is "flawed reasoning
to perceive these excesses of nature's development as unnatural. If
there is one thing that genuinely belongs to the natural character of
our species, it is our capacity for culture; and doubtless our intellectual
efficacy, too, promotes the implementation of the principle of conservation,
and is therefore a continuation of biology by other means!"
Hence, in the evolution
of the human species, humanity's cultural history is an unequivocal
factor, albeit one which in evolutionary terms only became possible
through the development of a highly complex neural system and which
may well be unique in nature. In the end, human communication strategies
are the result of evolution, like those (which we often find incomprehensible)
belonging to the other life forms that share our biosphere. Without
the development of culture or of special capabilities for anticipating
action such as are found in means of communication and expression, humanity
would be incapable of survival. These capabilities are almost prerequisites
for our current existence, and they permit us to manipulate our world
in an instrumental way, in order to ensure our continued existence.
They are in effect vital to the optimization of our reproductive fitness.
The name Homo faber ("man the maker") is significant only
in pointing up the phenomenal, hitherto unprecedented, scale of humanity's
impact and its highly complex manipulations of its own environment,
i.e. of nature.
In the eyes of the evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay
Gould (1996), and of the winner of the 1986 Nobel Prize for physics,
Gerd Binnig, nature comprises not only the molehill
and the termite mound but also such phenomena of human endeavour as
the Petronas Towers, as well as metropolitan New York and the sum of
everything that happens there. An environment as shaped by humans is
not in the least unnatural, nor is it artificial, either. In line with
this way of thinking, in this investigation culture is not considered
to be the antithesis of nature, but rather the expression of human existence
in nature.
1.1 - Change in consciousness in the perception of nature and culture
The
strict distinction, widely made in the nature conservancy movement, between
nature on the one hand, and culture as unnatural on the other, being the
expression of a cultural-historical change in consciousness, has primary
significance for the definition of realities, and has paradoxical results.
Contradictions are especially evident in the concepts of nature conservancy,
environmental conservancy or landscape conservancy and their consequences.
That is to say, as Rolf Peter Sieferle remarks
(1997), when something needs protecting because it is endangered but worth
saving, a common perception is that "The threat to nature comes from
human culture itself, and protection of nature is demanded from this same
culture." But if nature is seen as the antithesis of culture, isn't
it true that nature, in being protected by culture, becomes culture? 3*
The demand for nature conservation therefore heralds a complete victory
of culture and the final annihilation of nature."
The often desperate effort to mark a division between nature and culture
shows itself for what it is: the fallacious attempt by nature-altering
humankind to distance itself from its defining (epistemological) problem:
that it remains a part of nature. A uniquely reflective part of nature,
to be sure, but in the end only one parameter in a multi-dimensional and
multi-causal nature. Still, we can claim that we have been one of the
most influential variables in the environments we have occupied and, with
the arrival of space travel, we have moved into regions beyond the biosphere
we inherited.
Still, the definitions and assessments of the human spectrum of action
within nature vary greatly. Environmental realities are perceived exclusively
subjectively - by any individual that can perceive other living beings
The perception of environmental realities is entirely subjective - for
humans as for any other sentient creature. 4*
We can know only a segment or a snippet of nature, with its multicausal
interrelations, from various (and, unavoidably, "biased") perspectives.
In this, both the breadth and quality of an environment differ substantially
in their effect on the subject - depending on the subject's position in
nature and an underlying normative appraisal of his or her surroundings.
Hence if by "environment" we understand a definite part of nature
from a particular perceptual perspective, then the entirety of all environments
is, from both a causal analytic and a human ecology point of view, identical
with nature itself. In any case they are relational concepts and correlates
of human cognition and human actions. In this sense the distinction between
natural and artificial environments is not only pointless, it is also
counterproductive, since, in the case of both phenomena, we are dealing
with sensory objects perceived and assessed by human beings. Nonetheless,
making this distinction (though it is bound to incite misunderstandings)
serves to define human action and the human impact on the environment.

The concepts of "unnaturalness"
and of "closeness to nature", which require a knowledge of an
unprovable historical "primal condition" of nature, suggest
the possibility of external observation. They are, however, nothing more
than the indirect - dualistic, natural-philosophical - attempt to distance
humanity from an immensely species-rich nature, from its environment,
or, with the help of a kind of "consciousness clause", to exclude
us by definition from the realm of nature. In this context "back
to nature" means no more than the return to a pre-human (and unknowable)
primal condition of nature; paradoxically, this is reminiscent of the
very "human" concept of Paradise but minus the humans. The question
then becomes: for whom this Paradise?
Very early on, Paradise was set in opposition to the incalculable and
hostile environments over which people had little influence, as a vision
of the protected "Garden of Eden." 5*
Of course this was an artificial construct, an expression of the longing
for protection, a fiction of security; at the same time it was a condition
that it was possible to attain only in a battle with "nature"
(as entity) by means of a conquering culture. A nature that was life-threatening
and that was therefore felt to be cruel was the opposite of secure. The
point was to tame nature, to master it, to "cultivate" it. But
humans seem to have distanced themselves from nature as well, through
self-cultivation or humanization, which is to say through the process
of their own "de-savaging" or "de-brutalizing."
Today nature and naturalness are often alternatives, almost vanishing
points for romantic natural philosophy; above all they are seen as alternate
worlds to culture, to so-called artificiality or the "technosphere."
In our culture this is probably a consequence of the belief in original
sin, an inescapable (and even cultivated!) sense of guilt. Our flight
from our own success is mingled with a longing to shuck our ties and return
to our origins, rejecting governmental regimentation - probably as a reaction
to social obligations and other unavoidable aspects of social life.

1.2 - The projection of alternate worlds - a flight from reality?
Once
again the "Garden of Eden" - much aspired to, deceitful chimera
- reveals itself in truth to be a mere projection of forgiveness, innocence
and goodness. But this time the objective (primarily of nature conservancy
groups) is a world of species-rich and small agri-cultural landscapes
of the kind that characterized the Europe of the end of the 19th century.
Knowledge of that hostile environment appears to have been lost, 6*
and from the security of a nature tamed by culture the current industrial
landscape is now understood as a nature violated by humans, a nature to
whom we should apologize. As indicated above, what the transformation
of the meaning of nature and culture reveals is probably nothing more
than the search for an untainted alternate world, in some sense even a
rebirth of Romanticism's "blue flower." This is doubtless a
flight from a present that is felt to be repressive, that appears to have
lost its spontaneity and innocence.
We should of course remember that the fear of a life-threatening environment
has always been paired with the knowledge that we are essentially dependent
on nature's resources. The subjugation and stewardship of nature have
been postulates of many religions since early times. Faced with apparent
catastrophes or with threats to essential resources, custodianship of
nature is high on the list of human priorities. Or is it just the fear
of too many people and their activities, i.e. too much culture? Our task
now is to devote ourselves to that environment in nature which is humanity's
habitat, characterized by hate and love. An environment within such a
multi-faceted nature, which humans strive in the most varied ways to master
and to control; from which, to this end, we endeavor to exclude ourselves
philosophically by definition; from which, in spite of all our efforts,
we can never escape.
There is no doubt that a paradigm shift in the understanding of nature
is on the horizon, even for professional conservationists. Lack of orientation
seems to be on the increase - myths are dying as it becomes clear that
nature never has been good or bad. Morality and ethics have only ever
existed for us; good and evil are exclusively human categories. In fact,
according to the philosopher Tomas Metzinger
(1999), the "I" itself is an illusion, and the best "discovery"
of evolution. Even free will is now up for grabs.
7*

Inevitably,
extreme positions have clashed with one another, often apparently irreconcilably.
The catch phrases, "habitat destruction" and "species extinction"
serve to emotionalize the issue and enhance the image of humans as the
enemies of nature. Demands put forward by nature lovers are therefore
often - if we exaggerate slightly - like prophylactic witch burnings.
The transfiguration of nature on the one hand and pragmatic functionalism
on the other hand polarize the discussion. Then, too, lovingly nurtured
images of the world are being supplanted by new valuations of ecosystem
connections, and ethologists are demystifying the animal world.
For example, in spite of the alarmist scenarios propounded by Greenpeace
for political reasons and for its own survival, it would have been entirely
sensible, ecologically speaking, to dump the Brent Spar oil platform in
the North Sea. Australian Aborigines and Native Americans, who were portrayed
by the media not so long ago as inviolate models of environmental awareness,
are also falling from their pedestals, 8*
and by the same token animals previously held to be exemplary creatures
now look to be monsters - for example Dolphins who kill their young and
Bonobos who violate their young. The positive strokes given the slimy
frog, when viewed at close range unveil themselves as expressions of pure
egotism on the part of pseudo-conservationists, and human altruism is
exposed as a means of massaging one's own sense of well-being. If we're
concerned about the survival of the allegedly threatened tiger but we
consider sharks to be frightening monsters - though apparently they kill
all of six humans per year (admittedly causing a stir in the media), whereas
humans kill far more than a million sharks per year (c.f. Gleich
et al. 2000) - then it's high time we tested our "nature awareness",
which would appear to be alienated from reality and controlled by desires
for wish fulfillment.
Let's not deceive ourselves: an ideologically assaulted ecology as a surface
on which to project utopias has had its day; extreme positions are gaining
ground. Herzog et al. (2000) postulate that "disposing
of greenhouse gases - depositing carbon dioxide in the earth or in the
depths of the ocean [
] would probably be a more cost-effective way
of achieving climate protection than switching to renewable energy sources."
In fact, increasingly the question is being asked as to whether the importance
of CO² in climate changes as postulated by the IPCC (Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change) is scientifically verifiable (e.g. Friis-Christensen
and Lassen 1991, and Berner and Streif 2001).
In any case an increase in energy efficiency is seen as the best solution
(World Energy Council). The radical environmentalist Peter
Huber (2000) of the highly respected Massachusetts Institute of Technology
considers fast economic growth, the use of nuclear power for energy, genetic
technology in livestock farming, industrial food design and concentrated
urbanization as ecologically more sensible (even for reasons of global
demographics) and therefore more environmentally sound than, for example,
sun and wind energy (which are based on lower efficiency and use of sophisticated
technology), organic agriculture, and so-called species-appropriate livestock
management, with its extensive land requirements. In line with this way
of thinking, well-meaning contributions of food to the starving in highly
fragile and overpopulated ecosystems in the Ethiopian highlands of Ogaden
are just as counterproductive as drilling wells in areas of low precipitation
like the Sahel zone. 9*
Even if extreme positions provoke dissent, they also point to a core question
in the issue of our correct behavior toward the environment. How can environmental
protection be realized most efficiently when the objective, next to stability
and productivity of the ecosystem, must be increased biological wealth?
Nature conservancy, stewardship of landscapes and ecosystem management
demand reliable orientation. Often these are historical circumstances
which are usually classified as better, "more natural", by comparison
with the current "artificial" conditions. But can a firm basis
be found for this idea? An inevitable prerequisite for the clarification
of this issue is above all a detailed knowledge of
- (a) the history
of the landscape in question,
- (b) the productivity
and the resources of the landscape, and
- (c) of the historical
and current function of the objects to be protected, which are also
subjects, seen from the various perspectives of the different interests
involved.
Here
there are not only elementary deficits in the ecosystem and socio-economic
evaluation of the "actual state", but also very general tensions
in the representation of what is considered to be "natural,"
"artificial" or even "near-natural" in our environment
- in other words, of those parts of nature that we consider to be more
or less intensively anthropo-zoogenically influenced.
2
- Natural vs. Cultural Landscape
Today there can
be no doubt that, for large areas of Europe (see above), no landscapes
have been non-anthropogenic in recorded time, and certainly none exist
at the present time.10*
Accordingly, our notions of so-called natural landscape are completely
hypothetical. At least in the cultural area of Europe all the landscape
conditions described up to now are the products of a plethora of (human)
activities. They have resulted from the most varied forms of husbandry,
which served the most efficient production of food for each area. If
most landscapes were agricultural until the end of the 19th century,
in the last 100 years we have been witnessing rapidly changing "transition
landscapes" or industrial landscapes.
A quick glance back over the history of landscapes should make it plain
that even reconstructed, so-called natural landscapes in which supposedly
ahemerobic 11*
conditions existed are in reality an illusion, however carefully tended.
For even the open post-glacial landscapes of Europe were criss-crossed
by hunters and gatherers, who had a serious influence on the flora and
fauna. Wildfires, though we can't be sure whether they were anthropogenic
or started by lightning, are proven to have existed in the Boreal period.
With the increasing stability of human populations at the end of the
Atlantic period (late Mesolithic to early Neolithic), 12*
human effects on the environment increased through fire clearing, livestock
farming, and the establishment of field systems. Expansive agrarian
landscapes were developed as early as Roman times, especially in Western
Europe. There can therefore be no doubt that Europe's landscapes in
post-glacial times, and especially since humans began establishing settlements,
were under a varyingly intensive and, over the course of history, increasingly
anthropo-zoogenic influence. Decisive parameters were the increase in
density of settlement populations, advances in the production of foodstuffs
through the introduction of newer cultivation techniqes, and the modification
of "unproductive" sites. Following the transition from a subsistence
to a market economy and explosive increases in population numbers at
the end of the 19th century, the current situation reflects the industrialization
of productive arable land and a wide-ranging technologization of the
remaining landscapes.

When an attempt
is made, based on assumptions about the vegetation and soils of a given
climatic zone, to re-establish a completely hypothesized landscape that
has very little anthropogenic influence, normally no consideration is
taken for the fact that wide fluctuations in temperature were usual
in the post-glacial Holocene period, variations that continually changed
the floristic composition of the vegetation, even in assumed ahemerobic
conditions. Besides, we must ask what point in the development of post-glacial
vegetation should be considered the measure or the reference point for
desirable landscapes. The reconstruction of an original state of nature
in our landscapes is speculative, from the standpoint of both climate
and cultural history, and is always hypothetical and subjective. We
may therefore conclude that all of Europe's post-glacial landscapes
have been more or less influenced by the "cultural animal",
Homo sapiens. Although it can be assumed that during the Holocene period
ahemerobic landscapes did exist, in which humans would have had very
little more influence on their surroundings than other animal species,
13*
it should be clear that prehistory is irrelevant for the assessment
of modern landscapes.
If our culturally formed landscapes differ solely by the degree of human
influence visited upon them, we should ask what the criteria are for
the determination of difference, and define the reference base for our
criteria from a historical and/or current perspective. Every arbitrarily
chosen reference point (for example from a historical perspective, the
agricultural landscapes of the end of the 19th century) taken as reference
base leads to a certain arbitrariness in the assessment of a landscape's
"naturalness."
With the ranking scale (see below) developed by the finnish botanist
Jaakko Jalas (1955) and expanded by the german
ecologist Herbert Sukopp (1968, 1977), for degree
of hemeroby 14*
in landscapes or in terrestrial ecosystems - a reciprocal measure of
naturalness - substantial progress was made in the definition and assessment
of human impact on the environment:
- ahemerobic
(not influenced by culture - extremely rare)
- oligohemerobic
(weak cultural influence)
- mesohemerobic
(moderate cultural influence)
- euhemerobic
(strong cultural influence)
- metahemerobic
(excessive and one-sided cultural influence)
According to this conceptual analysis, human influence is defined as a
location-specific factor, and the question of the actualistic or historical
nature of that influence does not arise. Ingo Kowarik
(1999) made a clear distinction between the concept of hemeroby and historically
ordered concepts. 15*
This approach has the advantage of excluding the hypothetical historical
point of origin - the original (and therefore unknown) ahemerobic condition.
The point of reference here is the presumed final stage in a succession,
with consideration taken for the current potential of the location (including
irreversible changes), whose features, given the climatic conditions,
would occur without direct human influence, although they would also be
influenced indirectly by human activity.

3 - Biodiversity and stability
3.1 - Species diversity, consequences of hemeroby and of other natural
disturbances
The
continual increase in human activity over the course of the centuries,
and the alteration and efficiency of pre-industrial use strategies did
not lead to a decrease in species diversity, but rather to its constant
increase, especially during cultivation phases. The intense fragmentation
of the forest, agrarian and garden landscapes of the end of the 19th century
led to the highest density per area unit in plant (as well as animal)
species. Without human influence the flora of Germany would have been
(at least) 50-60% poorer at that time.
With the intensification of agriculture, and especially with the enlargement
of fields for the economic operation of modern agricultural machines at
the beginning of the 20th century and, later, the input of pesticides,
the species density, measured as the number of species by the frequency
of occurrence per defined area unit, 16*
appeared to decline rapidly. Following this data collection method, the
evidence often indicated a decline in many populations or the elimination
of species altogether from strongly impacted landscapes. This assessment
method, however, did not take into consideration the overall population
size, which led to the fact that often species that had been considered
"extinct" were later discovered in adjoining biotopes. This
is a completely normal phenomenon which occurs, in exaggerated form, among
the pests in our houses as well, when we take away their food sources
or attack them with pesticides.
When speaking of frightening reductions in species numbers or even of
the danger of the death of a species, the world generally used in the
media is "loss" and rarely is reference made to "reduction",
a shrinking or a shift of the population. If we consider the facts, at
least in the region of the Federal Republic of Germany the numbers are
still positive. The proven number of established taxa in Germany is around
2,682 plants, including non-native species, i.e. the species introduced
by direct or indirect human involvement. 17*
According to the 1997 report by the IUCN (International Union for the
Conservation of Nature) only three plant species can be counted as having
become "phylogenetically" extinct. One of them is a subspecies
of the amphibian Saxifraga on the shores of Lake Constance (Bodensee)
- Saxifraga oppositifolia ssp. amphibia. This is a relic
of the ice age, confined to an extremely small area of South West Germany,
a landscape that also enjoyed the country's very warmest average temperatures.
Claims made in the 1970s that up to 80% of the spontaneous species in
highly industrialized areas would be extinct or endangered by 2000 had
no basis in reality.
Many new taxa compensate for the three that were lost. This is because,
for one thing, many neophytes (non-indigenous plants) have become firmly
established, and for another, species have developed from those neophytes
that could not have developed except in the secondary habitats where they
were introduced. Some of these newcomers became established to the detriment
of native plant populations (for example, the well-known giant hogweed,
Heracleum mantegazzianum, Himalayan balsam, Impatiens glandulifera,
and various Japanese knotweed species).

As concerns the development
of species generally, Herbert Sukopp made the
point in 1976 that, "The processes of evolution are continually in
progress." Their speed is dependent on the ever changing conditions
in a given location, i.e. in the available resources and the dynamics
of the relevant gene pools. 18*
Even today, ecosystems with great species diversity are often associated
with a high degree of inner stability. But the diversity - stability hypothesis
was contradicted as early as the 1970s. Though they cannot be enumerated
here, the functional capacities of ecosystems can be shown to be greatly
variable. In general, though, influences on ecosystems should be judged
by whether they generate irreversible or reversible changes, and also
by whether - weighing the various interests involved - these changes are
intended to satisfy only the demands made by process-oriented environmental
conservancy for the inclusion of productivity, stability and biological-ecological
wealth in a comprehensive landscape concept, or whether other concepts
of land management should be brought to bear - for example those that
lie in the direction of an aesthetically or ethically based public interest.
In the discussion of the species diversity of our landscapes it is easy
to see that, often, the intention in Central Europe is to safeguard landscape
aspects that belong to the very highest level of pre-industrial culture.
We might ask ourselves, as others have done before us, what sorts of attitudes
would have reigned more than 7,000 years ago if the people of that time
had had today's consciousness? We should be aware of the fact that forest
clearance was the precondition for the development of our cultural landscapes
with their current species diversity. Why should this be denied to the
populations of developing countries? Couldn't people living in the tropical
rainforest zone demand with equal justification that we take our cultural
landscapes back to at least oligohemerobic (and therefore relatively species-poor)
forest landcapes? Who owns the moral right to demand preservation or change?
In any case species and biotope protection should not and cannot be looked
at for the sake of conservation; a high level of species diversity cannot
be promoted for its own sake. Conservation should be observed exclusively
against a backdrop of human needs, encompassing the necessary use of the
most diverse resources. Those who want to preserve ecosystems as they
are must make an evaluation according to the function that is to be preserved,
following economic principles of sustainability.

3.2 - Site stability and ecological equilibrium: the fatal illusions
The
fear of hostile changes and the concern for what is endangered in our
environment are by no means exclusive to this century; rather they are
elemental components of human history. We can find proof of this in the
first written testimonials of the earliest cultures, for example the first
city cultures of Asia Minor. Herewith an example from relatively recent
history: The concept of "sustainability", which today is once
again topical as a crisis concept was invented about 300 years ago in
baroque Saxony by Carl von Carlowitz, in his "Sylvicultura Oeconomica".
But 100 years later, in 1791, the Königl. Württembergische Oberforstrat
[chief commissioner of woods of the royal house of Württemberg] Georg
Ludwig Hartig in his "Notes on timber plantation" bemoaned
the evils of unsustainable forest management.
Apocalyptic horror scenarios that involve nature annihilating both people
and their culture have a long tradition. These were always the gruesome
counter-images to a society necessarily fixated on security and continuity,
i.e., on the preservation of advantageous environmental conditions. Indeed,
fragile dikes were built along fertile but vulnerable river floodplains
and coastal flats in order to secure and exploit valuable agricultural
resources. What is generally overlooked is the fact that those very resources
- the fertile soils - were the result of repeated flooding over the course
of many centuries. This is true for the Nile region as well as for the
low-lying land along the Mississippi, the Chang Jiang, and the Po. It
was only the fertile mud deposits, often meters thick in the floodplains,
that permitted high-yielding agriculture. The density of settlements is
especially high in these regions. The existence of dike breaches along
the Rhine, the Oder and the Danube have always given evidence of the inhabitants'
tendency to arrogantly underestimate the risk, of a lack of understanding
of ecosystem connections. Such catastropic events are not "natural
disasters", however. They are often a direct outcome of culture,
which is to say of the taming of nature. The philosopher Karl
Popper (1997) complained with some justification that the "loud
public outcry over the evil world" of catastrophes had become the
"dominant religion of our time," in spite of the fact that this
stood "in contradiction to known facts."
Nonetheless, rivers spilling over their banks, powerful storm tides that
flooded broad stretches of coastline, wildfires, volcanic eruptions and
earthquakes were as much a part of what was felt to be a hostile environment
as were heavy snowfalls or avalanches of boulders in the mountains. Thus,
for example, the present-day coastline of Netherland (Holland) and Germany
was only formed in the 11th, 13th, 14th, 15th and 16th centuries by the
storm tides of 1099 (100.000 dead on Thames and the Netherlands), 1212
(306.000 dead in the Netherlands, 1362, 1421 (100.000 dead in Zuydersee)
and 1570, partly according to H.H. Lamb (1972, 1977)
. The conditions that generated the extent of the coastal flooding were
the post-glacial elevations in sea level and sinking of land masses, dynamics
which are still in effect today. Hundreds of thousands (perhaps millions)
lost their lives in the course of these floods. Famine, mass migrations,
and even the partial settlement of Greenland by Normans are events that
were determined by global climatic changes. All these incalculable natural
events are a basic part of human history. They have advantaged some and
disadvantaged others, but there's no question that they represented completely
normal - or should that be natural - environmental changes for
both plants and animals.
It wasn't so long ago
(and for some environmentalists it is still the case) that wildfires,
forest grazing of livestock, cyclones, storm tides, floods, avalanches,
and even heat waves were considered damaging to the ecology. Today we
understand that a stable site is a stagnating site; that there is such
a thing as a fruitful disaster. The creation of new and diverse site conditions
is the predictable precondition for high levels of species density, but
also for evolution itself. Astonished nature conservators have had to
acknowlege the dramatic way species' numbers have increased after allegedly
'catastrophic' forest fires in Yellowstone National Park or avalanches
in the European Alps.
Independent of anthropogenic influence, local and temporary fires of varying
intensity (99 per cent of them started by lighting), storms, floods, climate
variations, have always been among the site factors that have determined
the dynamics and character of landscapes. Stable ecosystems are desirable
only for the preservation of human cultural goods. If the protection of
living conditions by safeguarding the greatest possible number of resources
for use counts among our most basic motives for action, in evolutionary
biological terms we have the dynamism of the environment to thank for
our genetically determined capacity for adapting to new conditions (and
therefore to natural disasters, both great and small), as do all other
organisms. It is deeply human to consider that habitat changes are catastrophic,
i.e., threatening to security. But we need to change our thinking in this
regard - to acknowledge that the conditions that are fundamental to all
ecosystems can no longer be ignored.
Alterations and uses of our environment (preferably sustainable), effected
in order to ensure our survival, can only be evaluated from our own point
of view and not from the frog's perspective. This is not to say that the
survival of the frog population can't be significant for our well-being,
for example in terms of economics, ethics, and aesthetics.
Until recently, for example, it seemed irrefutable that we were going
to consume all our environmental resources, with inevitably catastrophic
results. But today we are increasingly sure that it is not in fact possible
for us to use up our resources by using them; that they are more likely
to undergo a qualitative change through use. In this connection the French
ecologist, René Dubos (1998), spoke of adapting
our exploitation of the environment to our changing biological needs.
He expressed his opposition above all to the idea that humans are always
the aggressors and nature the victim, and emphasized the unity
of humanity's interdependence with the environment.
In the future, priority must be given to the kind of environmental management
whose objective is the sustainable, which is to say forward-looking exploitation
of functioning ecosystems that can support human life. Of course it is
natural in this context to want to protect the various species by every
possible means. But as long as our walks in the woods are not disturbed
by the awareness of the certain death of thousands of small organisms
19*,
as long as only individual or collective sympathies decide on the well-being
of the various species (remember the tiger!), without an understanding
of function in the ecosystem, all conservation efforts are for nothing.
4
- Conclusions and recommendations
From
the perspective of the natural sciences and their application, and especially
given the philosophical-ideological baggage surrounding current discussions
of nature, the use of the concept of environment for the description of
the habitats of the most varied species in the biosphere is less value-laden
and therefore to be preferred over the metaphysical burdened nature. Humanity
is not in the least responsible for all of nature (which includes much
more than our planet), but without a doubt we are responsible for our
environment which includes - directly or indirectly - all parts of the
biosphere. Responsible action, that is to say forward-looking action (which
necessarily brings with it modifications of the most varied environments)
presupposes the knowledge of those very environments, i.e., the knowledge
about the mores different external and internal functional connections
of their ecosystems, as well as their socio-economic meaning in the present
and the (at least near) future. For the biologist as well as the ecologist
this means the knowledge of potential (genetic and ontogenetic) capacities
for adaptation and multiplication of significant environment-changing
species (e.g. the neophytes), as well as the knowledge of the breadth
in variation of the abiotic and biotic qualities of the sites that have
been colonized by these species.
Very generally, though, a pragmatic conservation - that is, the kind that
ensures the protection of basic resources necessary for human survival
- requires above all that we evaluate and establish what we want to protect
with a comprehensive regime of laws and ordinances, without burdening
it with ideology or attempting to achieve its transfiguration. A strictly
scientifically based view of the ecosystem does away with an explicit
anthropocentrism and metaphysical transfigurations. Concepts like "near-natural"
and "naturalness" are misleading and should not be used, since
they suggest a knowledge of unknown conditions, especially when these
concepts are backward-looking and speculative.
Environmental conditions today can best be represented as an expression
of various degrees of human influence. The "why" of conservation
is postulated roughly by the objectives formulated in Agenda 21, e.g.
the terms of the Convention on Biological Diversity put forward at the
Earth Summit in Rio. 20*
Direct and indirect social economic aspects are given priority there.
It cannot be stressed enough that actual attainment of even the relatively
modest Earth Summit objectives will be possible only through well-founded
knowledge of ecosystems. By the same token, ideologically influenced values
and nature mystification, as well as unverifiable claims to truth are
counterproductive. In this vein, Hubert Markl (1991)
asked, in a contribution to Science and Ethics, "Where shall we obtain
knowledge of reality as defined by the natural sciences, that is, the
environment in which we live, if not from the experts who, free of special
interest and above all of personal interest are committed only to scientific
reliability in their research? "
Although
at the beginning of the last century numerous scientific publications
pointed to drastic environmental problems being created by industry and
agriculture, these issues only entered into public awareness through the
actions of citizen groups and NGOs. Even though these groups should doubtless
be credited with having performed an important function by uncovering
offences against conservation, and the endangerment of animal and plant
species and their environments, we should still take a critical stance
and ask: Who legitimizes them and how serious or professionally competent
are they? And isn't it the case that media reports of impending environmental
catastrophes often have the opposite of the desired effect - that is,
that they inure the public to environmental problems that are already
matters of fact?
For this reason the power of a sensation-seeking media to make an impression
on public awareness should not be underestimated. The versions of reality
that they simplify and propound are the ones that define the state of
things for big segments of the population (most certainly not just for
the "simple, modest folk"). 21*
In the effort to use every available catchword they come up with absurd
reports. For example, when nature is portrayed as being catastrophic for
nature - to be precise, when for example a storm out of the West comes
over the North Sea and shrinks the Frisian islands, or when volcanos bury
the "unspoiled" countryside (!) beneath them.
It is not the objective of this paper to question the value of the nature
conservancy movement of the last century, which was responsible for enlightening
the general public as to environmental problems. However, as it gains
entry into the political establishment and (in Germany at least) assumes
governmental responsibility, the arguments as to the viability of specific
goals have been growing ever more factious, especially within the movement
itself: beween proponents of environmental realpolitik [practical politics]
and environmental "fundamentalists" whose understanding of nature
is often suffused with ideology, especially as regards their assessment
of the state of the environment and of the dynamic of human-induced environmental
change. The views of the two camps diverge radically when it comes to
the assessment of the use and redesignation of space, energy production
and genetic technology.
Causes and prognoses, and especially the steps necessary to ensure sustainable
use of our environment, energy production and gene technology are the
subjects of heated arguments in scientific circles as well. Lay folk will
have a hard time finding their way if even the specialists regularly tone
down or even withdraw their prognosticated dire prognoses. In the context
of such ideological battles, less agitated proposals for environmental
management based on a sound understanding of the disciplines of ecology
are generally not accorded much attention by the sensation-hungry media.
Among the most laudable goals for a serious conservancy is the sustainable
economic use of natural resources. The changing sensibilities in the experience
of environment must also be considered, for if the environment is unwell
society's productivity is reduced. Therefore aesthetic criteria, too,
number among the elemental survival interests of humanity (and humanity
alone) - criteria that are a part of human nature, but that are not the
same everywhere. Similarly, the Convention on Biological Diversity takes
into account the aesthetic and cultural-religious aspects of life as well
as the primary economic ones. Here, however, perceptions can diverge:
one person's council tree is another person's welcome shade. Far be it
from us to minimize the cult value of Australia's Ayers Rock, but we are
not capable of holding it in such awe as are the Aborigines. Ethical and
aesthetic aspects of a landscape are the very aspects that are not generally
verifiable and not at all transferable to other cultures or value systems.
22*

Therefore,
ecologically based landscape management should concern itself with the
multidimentional functions of sites and call for the protection of functions
and processes rather than for the preservation of landscapes and habitats.
The formulation of a pragmatic conservation requires on the one hand that
we clarify its premisses, and on the other that we maintain transparency
throughout planning processes and convey some understanding to all participants
of the kind of management that is necessary. There is no other way to
ensure success.
The practice of conservation or environmental management from the point
of view of sustainability therefore requires that we recognize and gather
evidence that ecosystem interdependencies and abiotic and biotic environmental
parameters are vital for our own survival, so that these interests can
be represented with equal vigor against competing ones. In evaluating
the more recent functions of habitats, conflicts are likely, especially
when we're assessing traditional cultural landscapes. For example the
European landscapes of the 19th century having a mosaic structure and
high species diversity are especially valued today. But why should it
not be instead the rather monotonous landscapes with markedly less species
diversity of over 8,000 years ago? There is room for splendid arguments
as to whether the landscapes that were formed by grazing or farming practices
(whether around the Mediterranean or on dry to moist savannas of Madagascar)
are to be preferred over the returning sparse forests (which are usually
rather monotonous around the Mediterranean). But the outcome of any such
argument will depend a great deal on the prevailing public mood and somewhat
less on the degree of hemeroby of the habitat in question. Should we not
be asking instead how we may derive maximum long-term benefit (in contradiction
to 'short-term' entrepreneurial profit maximization) from that habitat?
If a compromise between ecology and economy is considered by some not
to be realizable because it is too idealistic, nonetheless, because of
the fact that humans are part of nature, a reconciliation between these
two aspects of the human experience (which are not in fact opposites)
is unavoidable. From the human point of view, sustainable management of
the limited resources of nature's "economy" is identical with
a sustainable human economy.
Thus, efficient conservancy calls for:
- the removal of
ideology from and the demystification of the phenomena of nature and
culture, with a resulting departure from an anthropocentric-dualistic
view of nature;
- pragmatic-sustainable
exploitation of ecosystem control structures with the simultaneous preservation
of the stability and sustainable productivity of the environment;
- scientifically
and economically based conservation strategies and promotion of biodiversity;
- protection of regions,
functions and processes to attain the goals that were outlined in the
"Convention on Biodiversity";
- transparency of
ecosystem management and informed participation of all stakeholders
(individual interests at grass-roots levels and contrary interest groups
involved);
- public relations
work to build an identity for a sustainable, economically exploitable
environment.

5
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FOOTNOTES
- According
to Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) nature is epistemologically (i.e., not
in natural-philosophical terms) the entirety of what is given; it is
the epitome of all physical and nonphysical objects of the senses. Equally,
"nature" is (chaotic) "sensation", ordered and guided
by the rules of reason (which are governed by the laws of nature). This
circumstance alone gives us the capacity to understand nature, for its
principles form the basis of our being.
- Philosophically
speaking, this removes from humans all right to mastery over nature.
Thus humans develop teleological arguments for the claim that everything
has meaning: ultimately, to bring humanity into being so that it could
have dominion over nature.
- Even
in large conservation areas with limited human influence, the dynamics
of ecological systems become a product of management through their limitedness.
A limited habitat is assigned to the living inventory, a habitat to
which it is restricted because of competing interests. Even in the designation
of landscapes to be placed under protection, human dominion manifests
itself in the form of cultural entitlement.
- Scholarly,
social and individual realities are created by virtue of the fact that
we always approach what we suppose to be objective reality with certain
basic assumptions which we consider to be objective aspects of reality,
whereas they are only aspects of our search for reality (cf. Paul Watzlawick,
1984, ed. Invented reality: How do we know what we believe we know?).
- Originally
a protected, enclosed (!) region without dangers, where nothing is lacking.
- At
the end of the so-called "Little Ice Age", in the middle of
the 19th century when temperatures were rising again, "the burden
placed on society, through floods, avalanches and storms [was] the greatest.
[
] This helps to explain why society at that time decided in favour
of using all available means to restrain and tame a nature turned savage."
(Christian Pfister 1999, p. 263).
- Thus,
Holm Tetens, Lecturer in Philosophy at the Free University of Berlin
(Germany), speaks of: "The enlightened machine - the neuro-cybernetic
model of humanity", and Wolfgang Prinz, Director of the Max Plank
Institute for Psychological Research in Munich (Germany), claims that
"We do not do what we want to do, rather we want to do what we
do."
- For
example the destruction of forests in Australia by the Aborigines and
the Native Americans' practice of running entire buffalo herds over
cliffs, killing many more than they could use.
- Even
if these views seem cynical, they do oblige us to confront the hard
ecological facts. Above all, semi-arid landscapes with sparse basic
resources will only ever be able to support a very limited number of
people who, in addition, are often capable of making a living only using
traditional forms of economy (e.g. following a yearly migratory path
in keeping with the rhythm of the changing seasons).
- Through
long distance effects, human influence on the atmosphere is currently
demonstrable throughout the biosphere with varying intensity. However
the intensity of direct and indirect consequences of human activity
on the landscape varies substantially. From the inaccessible high mountain
landscape of the Himalayas to the parking lot of a big city, the range
of conceivable situations is vast. In addition, it is continually changing.
- I.e.,
not influenced by humans.
- In
fact recent research suggests that in northern Germany permanent settlements
are likely to have occurred before 8,000 BC
- Even
Homo neanderthalensis, who was displaced by Homo sapiens and who settled
Western Asia and Europe until about 30,000 years ago (cf. Ian Tattersall
2000) was a hunter and understood the use of fire. Doubtless the capacity
to create fire through the deliberate use of an appropriate technology
was a milestone for human development. Although humans have demonstrably
been using fire since the Middle Pleistocene period (especially in Europe
- e.g. the Pannonian landscapes in Southern Central Europe - humans
have distinguished themselves from the other inhabitants of their environment
at least since that time), the deliberate use of fire is datable from
the end of the Acheulian period (300,000 - 75,000 BC). The Prometheus
myth demonstrates that at least modern humans were conscious of the
Janus-faced nature of this success. The acquisition of fire is celebrated
to this day by the Bushmen, for example.
- The
intensity, duration and extent of the effect on the site (cf. Herbert
Sukopp 1969), from the Greek hemeros, meaning tamed, cultivated, and
bios, meaning life.
- Kowarik
1999, p. 87: "Hemeroby is a measure of human cultural influence
on ecosystems. The degree of hemeroby is gauged according to the measure
of the effect of those influences that pose an obstacle to the full
development of the ecosystem."
- E.g.
5 x 5 km (cf. Eddy van der Maarel 1971). This method often led to results
showing alarmingly high rates of extinction. Therefore in general researchers
should take into account the areas on which these results are based.
- Archeophytes
(adventive plants or non-native plants that arrived or were introduced
by humans during pre- or early history) and neophytes (adventive or
non-native plants, introduced during historical time, especially since
the discovery of America by Europeans at the beginning of the 16th century)
that were able to establish themselves during the course of the history
of the anthropo-zoogenic landscape only when new environments were created.
Animal species that were found to be threatening were generally expelled
or completely eradicated. Others, like the bustard, formerly of eastern
Europe, arrived on the scene with the creation of suitable habitats.
From the end of the 19th century the increased anthropogenic influence
- the industrialization of agriculture, the clearing of fields, the
creation of agricultural areas where there had been wetlands, the straightening
of rivers, and the sealing of the soil through increased infrastructure
where settlements were growing - led to a reduction in species density
through the impoverishment or elimination of (often island-like) biotopes
with higher species diversity, though this did not lead to a reduction
of the total numbers of established species in Germany until the middle
of the 20th century. In settlement areas an increase in anthropogenically
determined biotopes with higher species diversity was observed. There
is also the fact that animals that used to live only outside settlement
areas (wild boars, foxes, raccoons, etc.) are nowadays often seen on
the edges of settlements, and conurbations are among the places with
the highest biodiversity.
- These
evolutionary processes also have nothing to do with a teleologically
conceived "adaptation" to sites (for these exist only ontogenetically);
instead they they are attributable solely to the fact or existence of
genetic variability, and are therefore an indispensable precondition
for the continued existence of information carriers (the various species)
in changing environments. Besides, there can be no doubt that the very
principle of life is not conducive to the preservation of species (of
which, over the course of the history of life, 99% have died and will
die in the future, though they live on or will live on in successor
species); instead, it represents the implementation of the preservation
of genetic information in changing transport and reproduction units.
- "Every
time you walk on the ground you step on billions of microbes ...Each
gram of soil may contain up to 1,000,000,000 or more microbes ... Some
scientists estimate that each gram of soil may contain 10,000 different
species of microorganisms! That's more biodiversity in one gram of soil
than all the different types of mammals in the entire world." (Michigan
State University, Center
for Microbial Zoology).
- U.N.
Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), Rio de Janeiro, June
1992.
- Newspapers
would have had to consider above all the "capacity [
] of
the biggest crowd in the world", the motto (over 250 years ago!)
of the publisher and editor Dietrich Christian Milatz in Germany.
- Just
as much as the imposition of economic systems on developing and threshold
countries, without consideration for traditional socio-economic premisses,
missionary ecologism easily turns into cultural imperialism.
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